The current feminist movement proposes a precise characterization of neoliberalism and, therefore, opens up the horizon of what we call anti-neoliberal politics. There are fundamental genealogical lines that have made the current expansion possible.

The feminist strike shouts “we want ourselves alive, free, and without debt!” making finance visible as a conflict and therefore in defense of our autonomy. Whether by religious fundamentalisms or the paranoid construction of new internal enemies, what we are witnessing are attempts to terrorize the forces of destabilization rooted in a feminism that has crossed borders. Please try again. 7. She has worked as researcher and campaigns organiser with a number of grassroots Palestinian, refugee rights and anti-poverty campaigns. * Verso Books: As you’ve written about in your autobiography, your political and intellectual formation begins in the midst of racial apartheid of Birmingham, Alabama. It left no place untouched by the tide of insubordination and questioning. It is powerful how, by integrating this multiplicity of conflicts, the mass dimension is redefined based on practices and struggles that have historically been defined as “minoritarian.” The opposition between the minoritarian and the majoritarian is thus displaced: the minoritarian take up the mass scale as a vector of radicalization within a composition that does not stop expanding.
Long live the feminist movement.”, (Graffiti in front of the Catholic University of Chile, 2018.). Black, anti-racist and anti-capitalist feminism is often side-lined in mainstream discourses. Rafeef Ziadah is an academic, poet and activist. It also allows us to understand debt as a privileged apparatus for laundering illicit flows and, therefore, to comprehend the connection between legal and illegal economies and the increase of means direct violence against territories. She teaches Politics of the Middle East at SOAS, University of London. However, these transnational links are not organized according to a calendar of meetings of large agencies at the service of capital. In what sense does the contemporary feminist movement – in the multiplicity of struggles that it participates in and leads today – express an anti-neoliberal dynamic from below? There's a problem loading this menu right now. Something went wrong. This allows an inter-generational mass feminism to unfurl, because it is appropriated by the extremely diverse spaces and experiences. 3. Therefore there can be no class without understanding racialization. Because it recognizes other geographies and traces other maps of alliance, encounter, and convergence. Editor’s note: this text is excerpted from The Feminist Revolution (La potencia feminista), to be published in English by Verso Books in 2020. In this sense it is the inverse of a long internationalist tradition that organizes from above, unifying and giving “coherence” to struggles based on their inscription to a program. It comes from its non-disjunction, its way of making internationalism a politics of rootedness and as opening territories to unexpected connections. Furthermore, this understanding overlooks essential components of revolutionary feminist movements by de-linking and de-historicizing them from social relations in the MENA regarding patriarchal nationalism, colonialism, and imperialism. At the conjunction of impossibility and desire, a radical imaginary emerges about the multiplicity of forms the feminist strike can take, moving it to unexpected places, displacing impossibility and desire through in its capacity to include vital experiences, and being is reinvented by bodies that are disobedient to what is recognized as labor. She is the author of Neoliberalism from Below: Popular Pragmatics and Baroque Economies (Tinta Limón, 2014; Duke University Press, 2017). Transversality prioritizes a politics of the construction of proximity and alliances without ignoring the differences in intensity among conflicts. In this sense, the feminist movement practices a popular pedagogy through an interpretation that connects violence and oppression and does so from a place of contempt for both. The transversality achieved through the organization of the strike updates those historical lines and projects them into a feminism of the masses, rooted in concrete struggles of popular economy workers, migrants, cooperative workers, women defending their territories, precarious workers, new generations of sexual dissidences, housewives who refuse enclosure, those fighting for the right to abortion involved in a  broad struggle for bodily autonomy, mobilized students, women denouncing agrotoxins, and sex workers. [Breanne Fahs;] -- "A landmark collection spanning three centuries and four waves of feminist activism and writing, Burn It Down! Each one of these questioning practices made the normality of obedience tremble, shaking up its everyday and routinized reproduction. Unable to add item to List. How is this composition, which we can characterize as transversal, produced?

In her essay, Hooks explains what “lifestyle feminism” is: “the notion that there could be as many versions of feminism as there were women.” This is a tricky concept because it is inherently suggesting that feminism has no clear boundaries. The tool of the feminist strike maps new forms of the exploitation of bodies and territories from a perspective that is simultaneously that of visibilization and insubordination. This conversation appears in Revolutionary Feminisms: Conversations on Collective Action and Radical Thought, out now from Verso Books.

Understanding how debt extracts value from domestic economies, non-waged economies, and from economies historically considered not to be productive, enables us to see financial apparatuses as true mechanisms of the colonization of the reproduction of life. Debt appears as an “inverted” image of the productivity of our labor power, of our vital potencia, and of the politicization (valorization) of reproductive tasks.. In that sense, the feminist movement appeals to the power, la potencia, of rupture contained in each action, and it does not limit rupture to a spectacular final moment of a strictly evolutionary accumulation. The vast map that this has enabled us to chart widens our view and goes to the roots of the connections between patriarchy, capitalism, and colonialism, converting it into the construction of a shared common sense. All of this gives us, once again, broader and more complex possibilities for interpreting the multiple forms of violence that claim feminized bodies as new territories of conquest. 8. London She is the author of Colonial Lives of Property, and she is co-editor of Plastic Materialities. There is no possibility of “isolating” feminism from those fabrics where the combat against renewed forms of exploitation, extraction, oppression, and domination is situated.

Vron Ware has worked as a journalist and photographer and, since 1992, as an academic teaching cultural geography and sociology. Prime members enjoy FREE Delivery and exclusive access to music, movies, TV shows, original audio series, and Kindle books. The feminisms that have taken the streets in recent years to form a capillary concrete force in all social relations and spheres have called into question the subordination of reproductive and feminized labor, the persecution of migrant economies, the naturalization of sexual abuse as a means of disciplining a precarious labor force, the hetero-family norm as a refuge against that same precarity, domestic confinement as a site of submission and invisibility, the criminalization of abortion and of practices of sovereignty over one’s body, and the poisoning and dispossession of communities by corporations in cooperation with the state. Based on the feminist strike, the movement adopts the form of a coordinator on the one hand, and of a committee on the other, of the encounter of struggles in the here and now of initiatives that break boundaries and cross borders. Due to the type of conflicts that it maps, visiblizes, and mobilizes, a complex notion of neoliberalism unfolds that is not reduced to the binary of the state versus the market. Online Event.

Some of those tasks were almost not even named, others named in ways that belittled them. Sarah Leonard is editor of forthcoming socialist-feminist publication Lux. Google Scholar We showed that there is a concrete place where that differential starts: the reproduction of life, from its meticulous and constant organization that is exploited by capital at the cost of it being an obligation, free, or poorly paid. The strike reveals the heterogeneous composition of labor in a feminist register, recognizing tasks that have historically been disregarded, showing its current imbrication with generalized precarization and appropriating a traditional tool of struggle to overflow and reinvent it. Top row (left to right): Vron Ware, Ruth Wilson Gilmore. But we went even further: from reproduction–historically negated, subordinated, and tied to processes of domestication and colonization–we constructed categories to rethink waged labor, unionized or not, traversed by ever greater levels of precarization. In other words, transversality is not only a form of coordination, but also a capacity to make feminism into its own force in its each place, not limited to a logic of specific demands. What do we call labor from the living and working experiences of women, lesbians, trans persons, and travestis? From Texas, Mexican-born feminist Teresa Villarreal, who had fled the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz, supported the Mexican Revolution, the Socialist Party, and woman suffrage, publishing with her sister Andrea that state’s first feminist newspaper, La Mujer Moderna (The Modern Woman) and starting the publication El Obrero (The Worker). She is the author of Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California. By confronting the financialization of life, that which occurs when the very act of living “produces” debt, the feminist movement initiates a dispute against new forms of exploitation and extraction of value.